El Diario Exterior, Spain
Translating into
Obamics
Alvaro Vargas Llosa
reflects on how what the diverse observers and politicians of the world believe
about Barack Obama is in fact what they believe about their own societies and
how the way in which he is seen abroad has a lot to do with the way in which
the factions relate with each other on either side of each country’s
ideological frontier.
By Alvaro Vargas Llosa
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Translated By Carolyn French
January 18, 2007
Spain - El
Diario Exterior - Original Article (Spanish)
Foreign leaders and journalists often joke that the whole world
should vote in American elections given that the results effect the planet as a
whole. In spite of his setback in New Hampshire, around the world
from Buenos Aires to Paris, intense scrutiny of
Barack Obama is taking place. But what the diverse observers and politicians
believe about him is in fact what they believe in regards to their own
societies.
In Europe, one perceives a guilty attitude. The
Left-wing, which tends to attribute to the United States imperialist foreign
policy and discrimination against Black and Hispanic people, is not welcoming
Obama’s ascent as one would expect. There have been very few critical articles
in La Republica, in Italy, or in Le Monde, in France [Editor’s Note: which are
considered by many to be more to the right politically]. On sending the
message that they are ready to elect an African-American, a part of American
society is exhibiting an attitude much less prejudiced than commonly attributed
to this country. This lesson proves particularly uncomfortable for socialist Europe. Contrast the
attitude of those Americans that are willing to elect Obama to President with
the conditions that drove the communities of North African origin to a state of
violence in the outskirts of Paris recently. And has Scandinavia ever begat at any
time something comparable to Obama from the minorities that the State tends to
treat so generously so long as they do not make too much noise?
The European Right-wing shows more enthusiasm for Obama than the
Left-wing. The French political scientist Dominique Moisi seems to consider
that the Democrats will give Europeans pro-American arguments to promote the United States in the midst of the
anti-American ones. “Why is Obama so different” asks a text distributed by
Project Syndicate “from the other presidential candidates? After all, in
matters of international politics, the next President is going to have very
little room to maneuver. He (or she) will have to stay in Iraq, intervene in the
conflict between Israel and Palestine on the side of Israel, and confront global
warming. If Obama can change things it will not be by the political decisions
he makes, but by what he is. The moment he appears on televisions around the
world, victorious and smiling, the United States’ image and the soft
power will experience something akin to a Copernican Revolution.
The French philosopher Guy Sorman points out, in his recent
article, that “the heart of the United States continues to be conservative” and
“will stay within a magic square designed by Reagan in 1980: moral, market,
military action and a small central government.” He indicates that Obama will
withdraw the troops in Iraq, but step up the
presence of the United States in Afghanistan. Other commentaries
from the Right-wing point to the fact that, in contrast to Hillary Clinton,
Obama’s health care plan will not impose mandatory insurance: a sign that his
type of social engineering is basically “Diet.”
In Latin America, the Right-wing is also applauding
Obama in its own way, for different reasons. They utilize him as an example of
the right way of creating social change although they dispute his socializing
tendency: pacifist and through established institutions. In La Nacion in
Argentina, Mario Diament points out that Obama’s predecessors imply that the
candidate “does not burden himself with the history of racial discrimination”
that other black leaders do and applaud the fact that “he is not one of the
enraged leaders from the civil right’s era.” The implicit message directed at
the Latin American Right-wing is that the United States is a society of
self-help, and that, in contrast to radical Bolivians and Venezuelans, it does
not believe in replacing minority discrimination with Communist revolutions.
Perceiving that the racial mobility implicit to Obama’s personal
history is publicity almost too good for the American society, the Latin
American Left-wing has tempered its enthusiasm for the African-American
senator. One expert observed in Venezuela that the only
significant gesture towards Latin America resulting from
Obama’s foreign policy is “the lifting of travel restrictions to Cuba” and “maybe to talk
someday with Hugo Chavez.”
Few outside observers, from the Right-wing or the Left-wing, seem
to believe that Obama would signify a dramatic change for the United States in real terms. With
respect to domestic politics, no European or Latin American hopes for something
similar to the “New Deal” of 1932 or the “Great Society” of 1964; in
international politics, no one awaits anything comparable to the “realpolitik”
of Nixon and Kissinger of 1968. That makes Obama a primarily psychological and
symbolic phenomenon. Consequently, the way in which he is seen abroad has much
more to do with the way in which the factions relate with each other on either
side of each country’s ideological frontier than with what the senator would
really do or not do.
ORIGINAL
SPANISH TEXT HERE