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EDITORIAL

July 5, 2005

Original Article (English)

Since India's 1974 nuclear tests, it had been seen by the U.S. principally through the filter of nuclear non-proliferation concerns. That had begun to change recently, and the seal was set on the process by Prime Mminister Manmohan Singh's agreement with President Bush, which allows New Delhi to take some giant strides out of the nuclear doghouse.

Washington's formal welcoming of New Delhi as the sixth member of the nuclear club would wreck the current non-proliferation order, and ought not to be expected. But the next best thing has happened, with Washington recognizing India as “a responsible state with advanced nuclear technology," that should receive the same advantages as other such States.

Bush has committed to working with the U.S. Congress and with other countries to ease the supply of nuclear fuel to Tarapur and other power plants. If he throws his weight behind an amendment of current U.S. non-proliferation laws, it stands a good chance of meeting the approval of the Congress, where the Republicans have majorities in both chambers. But even if such a move is blocked in the Congress, other countries can still supply to India now that Washington has removed its objections.

New Delhi's commitment in return to place its civilian nuclear plants under international safeguards, does not damage our interests, since military facilities are out of their scope. It may, in fact, be a plus, as India's nuclear plants are aging and doubts have been raised about their safety. International safeguards will stimulate them to upgrade their standards.

Among other encouraging signs, Bush reiterated that the sanctity of the LoC [Line of Control] should be maintained. New Delhi received no support for the G-4 Resolution on expanding the U.N. Security Council, but this was a foregone conclusion. Washington has its own agenda of management reform in the UN, and it will not allow other agendas to go ahead before its own concerns are met. Besides, there is the tricky question of Germany, a G-4 member, who Washington doesn't want to see on the Security Council.

There don't seem to be any breakthroughs comparable to the nuclear deal in the sphere of trade and economic ties, but the onus for that may be on New Delhi. If it were to remove restrictions on Foreign Direct Investment in certain sectors, that would give it a better hand in negotiating with the Americans. Neither would that be against Indian interests, as increasing flows of Foreign Direct Investment to India would be good for its economy.