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EDITORIAL

September 9, 2005

Original Article (English)

BEIJING: China and the United States share extensive common interests which have pushed bilateral ties forward and have helped overcome challenges in their relations, despite a raft of differences and contradictions between them. Peace and development are the themes of our times. Globalization and multi-polarization are irreversible trends. These factors are the driving force of Sino-US relations.

Under such circumstances, an overwhelming majority of nations pursue development, with their leadership making this a top priority. China and the United States are no exception. A peaceful external environment is a prerequisite to development.

China has always taken it as a principle of its foreign policy to safeguard world peace. Just as it is with China, it is the policy of the U.S. not to land in direct confrontation with the world's other major powers. Globalization has pushed the world’s nations closer and made them more interdependent. That is why all nations are more inclined to pursue cooperation rather than confrontation.

Multipolarization makes competition among the world's major countries more complicated, and any confrontation between two major powers can be expected to make everyone the loser. That is why China and the United States will not enter into a conflict, despite the many barriers between them. The outbreak of any confrontation between the two countries would not only compromise their own fundamental national interests, but also be detrimental to global peace and stability.

First Contact: American Merchant Vessel the Empress of China

The two nations began historical exchanges as early as 1784, when the "Empress of China," an American merchant ship, made the long voyage to China. But most Sino-U.S. exchanges before World War II were unbalanced, with the United States benefiting and China holding a passive role.

The Pacific War, in which the two countries stood on the same battle front, finally opened a new page in Sino-U.S. cooperation.  But this was based on the threat of a "common enemy," and therefore lacked a solid foundation. Following the disappearance of this enemy, the two nations fell into a quagmire of Cold War confrontation. The threat of the former Soviet Union again prompted our two nations to forge a quasi-alliance, but ties deteriorated after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In the wake of September 11, the two countries once again experienced a honeymoon period, and bilateral ties have reached a historical peak. The history of Sino-U.S. ties shows there is disharmony when the two nations lack a common threat.

Thus, where Sino-U.S. ties will go after the war on terror ends remains a major concern. Without a third party as a unifying force, could a superpower [the U.S.] and an emerging power [China] co-exist peacefully, rather than entering a head-to-head confrontation?

Fortunately, as the onrush of global events shows, Sino-U.S. relations are much different than traditional ties among major powers. Domestic factors on both sides have played an increasingly vital role since Washington adopted its reform and opening-up policy.

To achieve modernization, China should be open to all developed nations and learn from their positive experiences. As the largest developed country, the United States naturally became the most desirable country for China to open her doors to, and from whom China can learn.  In this exchange, the United States is also gaining benefits.

The fact that the two countries have succeeded in avoiding a new Cold War after their largest enemy, the Soviet Union, disappeared, best proves this conclusion.

The Source of the 'Human Right Friction:' 1989 Pro-Democracy Protests and the Brutal Massacre that Followed

In the 1990s, Sino-U.S. ties experienced a reversal because of friction over human rights and Taiwan. However, ties generally improved, with economic and trade cooperation improving and cultural, educational and academic exchanges deepening.

In the mid-1990s, large-scale discussions were held among American ruling and opposition parties about the country's China policy. As a result, a basic consensus was reached that China is not an enemy or rival to the United States, but is a "strategic partner." This type of partnership is not based upon the threat from a third party.

As the 21st century began with the rapid rise of Beijing's clout in the global arena, a new round of discussions was held in the United States about its policy toward China. The core of the discussion was how the United States should deal with China's rapid development, and whether to consider it as a strategic competitor or as a strategic partner. As a result, the latter viewpoint, which was backed by U.S. President George W. Bush, prevailed.

This demonstrates that America’s top decision-makers have acknowledged that the foundation of Sino-U.S. ties comes not only from counter-terrorism, but also has other dimensions. Moreover, the common interests of the two countries are more important than their differences, and cooperation with China serves America’s long-term strategic interests. Based on domestic considerations, ties have increasingly improved.

However, the present "normalization" only makes deeper cooperation between the two countries more important. A healthy and stable relationship still depends on the efforts of both sides.

Over recent months, American policy toward China has cast a dark shadow over the relationship. The United States, together with Japan, have labeled Taiwan their "common strategic objective." It also prevented the European Union from lifting its long-standing arms embargo on China, and pressured Israel into calling off arms sales to Beijing. These factors herald changes in Washington’s policy toward China and may be obstacles to smooth relations.

But the biggest obstacle to relations today are the Cold War mentality and misgivings held by some Americans toward China. If this outdated view can be overcome, the two nations can build strategic mutual trust and open a new chapter in cooperation.